February 22, 2012

peter dörrie

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Senegalese protest to prevent a dynasty


The upcoming election in Senegal and President Wade's move to stay for another term has sparked a series of protests in the country. Read my analysis here.

Africa Round Up


A regular round-up on developments in African conflict zones, published over at WarIsBoring.com. Find the latest edition here.

Ein unmoralisches Angebot?


An older article on microcredit lending which was published in the print edition of the German weekly "der Freitag", reposted for your convenience here.

Protest against Abdoulaye Wade in Paris, September, 2011. Photo by Flickr user Gwenael Piaser, CC BY-NC-SA

On February 26, the voters of Senegal will elect their next president. The country has long been the stalwart of democracy and stability in West Africa. But this changed dramatically several years ago when incumbent President Abdoulaye Wade—85 years old and in power since 2000—decided to stand for another term to pave the way for a family dynasty by installing his son, Karim Wade, as his successor.

Many members of the opposition had hoped that Wade would leave office voluntarily. After all, he himself oversaw the introduction of presidential term limits, which were added to the constitution in 2008, and pledged to stay out of this year’s race.

These expectations turned into anger when Wade backtracked on his promise with the words “Ma waxoon waxeet” (“I said it, I can take it back” in Wolof) in 2009. The Senegalese supreme court—whose members are appointed by the president—supported Wade’s interpretation that the amendment could not be enacted retroactively and that he should hence be entitled to stand for two more seven-year terms in office. On January 27 the court officially greenlightedWade’s candidacy, while blocking several other candidates—among them the internationally famous singer Youssou N’Dour—from running. Obviously in anticipation of this ruling, protests were banned in the days around the court hearing. […]

Read the rest on Waging Nonviolence.

Tuareg rebels. Al Jazeera photo.

Mali

The regional repercussions of the fall of Gadhafi are beginning to come clear as Tuareg militants attacked a total of six towns since Jan. 17. The Azawad National Liberation Movement (MNLA) — the group responsible for the attacks — has been formed only recently and is believed to have many former Gadhafi mercenaries in its ranks. The group has recently claimed to have shot down a MIG bomber, probably with ground-air missiles pilfered from ammunition depots in Libya.

The official objective of the MNLA is the autonomy of the Malian part of Azawad, an area that many Tuareg see as their traditional homeland. But the Sahel Blog points out that the Malian government tried to prevent an escalation by offering concessions to the Tuareg community before the attacks even started. It is also interesting that the MNLA seems to have no interest in liberating those parts of Azawad which are situated in Algeria. The conclusion might be that the string of recent attacks did not happen with the intention to capture territory, but to demonstrate the military strength of the group and to bolster its position on the negotiating table.

Nigeria

Over the last year the terrorist group Boko Haram has made its way from a little known splinter group to an international security threat. Its attacks have become increasingly more sophisticated and cover a much wider area than its original area of operation. The latest hotspot seems to be Kano, which saw a huge attack on Jan. 20 and a number of smaller incidents since then. […]

Read the rest (covering developments in Somalia, Sengeal and the Sudans) over at WarIsBoring.com.


This is a comment from me that was recently published in the Global Development Voices section of the guardian online. Find it here, together with other excellent commentary and an interesting discussion.

To end violence against women, it may be best to talk less about it and more about other forms of violence. That, at least, is the argument a new report by the Nordic Africa Institute makes about the case of sexual violence against women in eastern Congo, and I would agree.

Violence against women does not exist isolated from other forms of violence in a society. It is part of what Johan Galtung would describe as structural violence, and it can only be fully understood – and hence adequately addressed – if all forms of violence in a society are tackled.

In some cases, like for example in the eastern Congo, sexual violence has become almost an exclusive perspective on ongoing conflicts. While the intent behind this is laudable, it is likely that it actually hurts the interests of women, as any action taken will only be able to mitigate violence against them, not eradicate.

So to end violence against women, it is essential that policymakers, advocacy groups, NGOs and the media start to address the hard questions. It is easy (and right) to condemn the soldier in eastern Congo who rapes a woman, but it is much harder to find a satisfying answer to what made him do it. Only by answering this question will we be able to really abolish violence against women and violence in general.

The Africa Round-Up is a regular series that I run over at the excellent security blog WarIsBoring.com, the brainchild to you by David Axe. In it, I cover recent conflict developments in Sub-Saharan Africa. Read the latest issue here.

This piece was published some time ago in the print edition of the German weekly der Freitag, but I will repost it here nonetheless:

Vor etwa einem halben Jahr musste ich mich entscheiden, was ich mit etwa 2.000 Euro machen sollte, die sich auf meinem Girokonto angesammelt hatten und für die ich keine unmittelbare Verwendung hatte. Es war das erste Mal, dass ich persönlich mit der Frage nach einer richtigen Investition konfrontiert wurde und so begab ich mich in die Weiten des Internets, um mich über gute Anlagestrategien zu informieren. Nach einigem Kopfzerbrechen stieß ich auf eine Variante, die einen Bonus versprach: die Welt retten. Man kann nämlich auch Kredite an Menschen in Entwicklungsländern vergeben. Es handelt sich um so genannte „Mikrokredite“, deren Kreditvolumen selten 1.000 Dollar übersteigt.

Für normale Menschen in vielen Entwicklungsländern sind Mikrokredite oft der einzige Zugang zu Krediten überhaupt, da sie zum normalen Bankwesen ihrer Länder keinen Zugang haben. Gleichzeitig können sie Kredite aber gut gebrauchen, zum Beispiel um die Unternehmen auszubauen, die sie führen oder Investitionen in ihren Haushalt zu tätigen, durch die sie in den folgenden Monaten viel Geld sparen können.

Der Pionier der Mirkokredite ist Muhammad Yunus, der 1983 in Bangladesch die Grameen Bank gründete und dafür den Friedensnobelpreis bekam. Ursprünglich beruhte das Konzept darauf, dass sich Menschen in Entwicklungsländern gegenseitig Geld liehen. Eine Intervention westlicher Bürger war nicht vorgesehen.

Nun gibt es aber eine ganze Reihe Organisationen und Unternehmen, die genau das anbieten – und Anlegern ein unter manchem Gesichtspunktunmoralisches Angebot machen: hohe Zinsen (bis zu 16 Prozent) von Menschen, die sowieso schon wenig Geld haben. Ist das jetzt die versprochene Weltenrettung?

Auf die Kreditnehmer in Kenia, Uganda oder Côte d‘Ivoire kommen wirklich auf den ersten Blick grausige Bedingungen zu: rechnet man Zinsen, Versicherung, Provision und sonstige Transaktionskosten zusammen, kostet sie der Kredit oft mehr als 40 Prozent des Kreditvolumens. Sprich: Will jemand einen Kredit über 1000 Dollar aufnehmen, muss er dafür 1400 Dollar zahlen – und zwar innerhalb von kurzer Zeit, denn Mikrokredite laufen meist nur einige Monate. Die westlichen Kreditgeber hingegen machen einen Gewinn von bis zu 160 Dollar.

Was man bei dieser Rechnung beachten muss: die lokalen Kredithaie nehmen Zinssätze bis zu 280 Prozent. Dagegen sind die Kreditkosten der westlichen Anbieter fast zu vernachlässigen. Außerdem gehen hier die Kreditnehmer einen Vertrag ein, der ihre Rechte genau regelt. Dies wird von lokalen Kreditgebern nur in seltenen Fällen gewährleistet. Das die Kreditnehmer mit den Zinssätzen und Gebühren gut zurechtkommen, zeigt auch die hohe Rückzahlquote: einige Anbieter haben Ausfallquoten von unter einem Prozent.

Einen Mikrokredit zu vergeben ist also etwas grundsätzlich anderes als zu Spenden. Gleichzeitig macht man aber trotzdem etwas „sinnvolles“ mit seinem Geld – eine Eigenschaft, die nur die wenigsten Hedgefonds in ihre Prospekte schreiben könnten.

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